Election season is here. As of May 19, the filing deadline for the November 2026 elections, unofficially, 107 aspirants had filed for Governor and Lt. Governor teams, Delegate to Congress, 15 Senate seats, and 10 Boards of Education and Elections seats. Eighteen persons in nine teams are seeking the Governorship/Lt. Governorship, 10 people are competing for Delegate, and more than 57 for the Senate. Most are running as Independents, followed by Democrats, with two Republicans and one Independent Citizen Movement. This raises a larger question: how effective are political parties in the USVI? Are they vetting candidates, building coherent policy platforms, and helping produce good governance — or do they need major reform?
Background
The USVI has three registered parties: the Democratic Party of the Virgin Islands (DPVI), the Republican Party in the Virgin Islands (USVIGOP), and the Independent Citizens’ Movement (ICM). Since the mid-1980s, however, the DPVI has dominated territorial politics, holding the governorship for 32 of 56 years and controlling the Legislature in all but two terms since 1970. That one-party dominance has coincided with economic stagnation, fiscal imbalance, weak public services, dependence on federal aid, procurement problems, patronage hiring, and corruption.
The Democratic Party began in 1936, formally sponsored candidates in 1952, and merged with the Unity Party in 1962. The Republican Party was founded in 1948, succeeding the earlier Republican Committee started in 1924. The ICM emerged in 1968 as a reform breakaway from Democrats frustrated by corruption and the hostile takeover of the Donkey Democrat Party by the Unity Party. Although the local Democratic and Republican parties are tied to their national counterparts, all three territorial parties have long been weakly institutionalized, candidate-centered, personality-driven, and only minimally differentiated ideologically. Those traits limit how well they govern and represent the public.
Core Functions of Modern Political Parties
In a democracy, political parties should encourage civic participation, coalesce interests, recruit leaders, shape policy, structure debate, educate voters, raise campaign funds, win elections, and govern transparently and accountably.
The key functions are:
- Candidate recruitment and nomination: Parties identify and nominate qualified candidates, so voters have meaningful choices.
- Voter Mobilization: Parties encourage voting and strengthen democratic participation.
- Policy formulation and ideological guidance: Parties create platforms that reflect their values and guide legislative priorities.
- Governance coordination and accountability: Parties coordinate government activities once in power and hold party officials accountable.
- Representation of social interests: Parties represent key groups and build broad coalitions to win governing majorities.
- Internal organizational and institutional development: Parties need democratic internal structures and procedures, staff, and capacity for fundraising, research, and data analysis to remain effective over time.
Evaluation of Party Effectiveness in the USVI
USVI parties can be evaluated against these benchmarks.
A. Recruitment and Nomination
The Democratic Party is the only consistently functional party in the USVI and the only one that regularly holds primaries. Even so, party loyalty is weak. Candidates frequently leave the party to run as independents or under another label when it offers a strategic advantage, then return when convenient. That pattern underscores how personal ambition often outweighs party identity in territorial politics.
By contrast, the Republican Party participates mainly in presidential primary cycles and does not conduct local primaries or caucuses. The last time the Republican Party had an electoral presence was in the 1990s. The ICM likewise does not field full slates consistently and has relied heavily on the same gubernatorial candidate despite repeated losses. The last ICM senator held office between 2016 and 2018. Meanwhile, independent candidates remain competitive and have won both the governorship and multiple Senate seats since 1970. The number of Independent Senate seats ranges from 2 to 5 in most terms, and Independents have won the governorship three times.
Overall, party labels matter less in the Virgin Islands than personal reputation, family networks, and community ties. The parties do not consistently perform the gatekeeping role expected in mature democracies, and candidate vetting appears limited. Politics remains highly candidate-centered, but the Democratic Party is still the dominant electoral vehicle. With roughly two-thirds of registered active voters, it usually enters general elections with a decisive structural advantage.
B. Voter Mobilization
Between elections, voter outreach is limited. During campaign season, however, the Democratic Party is by far the most effective at mobilizing turnout. The other organized parties are largely inactive, with little evidence of sustained outreach or voter-registration efforts. As of May 2026, the DPVI had 19,058 registered active voters (66%), compared with 743 for the ICM (2.5%), 1,007 for Republicans (3.5%), and 8,022 independents (27%), according to the V.I. Board of Elections. The DPVI also maintains seven political clubs and organizes registration drives, campaign outreach, get-out-the-vote efforts, and transportation to polling places.
In short, voter mobilization is reasonably effective during elections but weak between them. Civic engagement is not sustained. Voter turnout is trending downward and currently averages in the low to mid-50% range. Moreover, voters ages 18 to 24 are the least likely age bracket to participate (3.8%). In this environment, even though the number of eligible voters is approximately 50,000, gubernatorial races can be won with roughly 10,000 to 12,000 votes, and Senate seats with about 3,000 to 5,000 votes.
C. Policy Formulation and Ideological Guidance
No major party appears to maintain a formal internal structure for research, data analysis, policy development, or long-term strategy formulation, and none publishes detailed, well-supported policy or strategy papers. The DPVI and ICM also remain only loosely differentiated ideologically. Both generally support a larger public role in the economy, stronger public services, continued reliance on legacy industries, the use of tax incentives to attract business, access to federal support, and a close relationship with the United States. Differences tend to be pragmatic rather than ideological. The Republican Party’s current territorial platform is even less clear, with little public evidence of an updated local agenda. The party’s website has mostly dated materials from 2012 and 2013.
In sum, the parties lack detailed policy statements, rarely articulate long-term development strategies, and seldom enforce policy discipline among elected officials. Public debate, therefore, centers more on personalities than on programs and policies, weakening ideological and policy coherence.
D. Governance Coordination and Accountability
In strong party systems, elected officials coordinate through formal caucuses, committees, and coalitions that set priorities and enforce discipline. In the USVI, by contrast, legislators often act independently, party discipline is weak, and coalition-building is informal. Although the DPVI has held legislative majorities for most of the past 50 years, that dominance has not produced sustained fiscal discipline, major institutional reform, or robust checks on the executive. Difficult reforms involving pensions, utilities, education, housing, waste management, policing, procurement, and public finance have repeatedly been deferred, while symbolic legislation often outpaces substantive reform.
The result is a weak governing structure marked by inconsistent policy and limited accountability. Major corruption and procurement scandals have often been pursued by federal authorities rather than local institutions, reinforcing the perception that territorial parties have not built strong mechanisms for self-correction, oversight, and disassociation from members guilty of misconduct and ethical lapses.
E. Representation of Social Interests
USVI parties represent the Territory’s diverse communities only partially and mostly through informal, personalized networks rather than structured outreach. Some groups have historically received attention, but many others remain weakly engaged or largely absent from party organization and platform development. Few parties maintain formal outreach bodies or sustained efforts to incorporate the concerns of immigrant communities, environmental advocates, Ancestral St. Johnians, small business owners, or other distinct constituencies into a coherent policy agenda.
F. Internal Organization and Institutional Development
Compared with mainland state parties, USVI parties have smaller organizations, limited professional staff, weaker fundraising capacity, and less developed data and voter-targeting systems. Overall, they remain resource-constrained. The DPVI appears to be the most fully developed organization with well-articulated committee structures and regular meetings, while the ICM remains heavily tied to founding personalities and is largely non-functional, and the Republican Party continues to recover from prolonged internal conflict over leadership and presents neither a policy agenda nor a set of competitive candidates to the public.
The Impact of Weak Political Parties
Weak parties and de facto one-party dominance have had three broad effects on the Territory. First, they have weakened accountability, reduced public trust, and contributed to civic disengagement. Second, they have encouraged short-term, inconsistent policymaking and hindered structural economic reform, leaving the USVI vulnerable to external shocks and natural disasters. Third, they have reinforced patronage and cronyism, which undermine merit-based hiring, distort contracting, weaken institutions, and deepen social divisions. These patterns also diminished public sector performance, lower private investment, and foster out-migration. Honest businesses struggle to compete in a pay-to-play environment; competent and highly qualified people are not attracted to public service because government jobs are given to political supporters, and political party sycophants are the only ones promoted. Lastly, many younger residents see limited opportunities, disengage, and ultimately leave, contributing to depopulation and an aging, unproductive workforce. The cumulative, long-term result is a cycle of weakened institutions, low trust in government, reduced voter participation, and continuing stagnation.
What Should Be Done?
The future of party politics in the Virgin Islands depends on renewal: stronger internal governance, broader participation, clearer policy platforms, more substantive public debate, and genuine accountability in office. If the established parties are unwilling or unable to reform, the case for a new political party becomes stronger. At present, the Democratic Party remains dominant but shows little sign of meaningful internal reckoning; the ICM has struggled to move beyond familiar personalities; and the Republican Party has little visible territorial presence. The large number of independent gubernatorial candidates in the current election is itself evidence that many aspirants are unwilling to affiliate with ineffective and compromised established political parties, and that party labels have diminished in meaning. The rise of Independents just reinforces personality-driven politics and retards the development of sustained political movements.
— Mark D. Wenner is a resident of St. Thomas, USVI, and a professor of economics at the UVI.
Editor’s Note: The opening paragraph of this column was updated Monday, May 25 to reflect the latest information on candidate filings from the Supervisor of Elections office.
Editor’s Note: Opinion articles do not represent the views of the Virgin Islands Source newsroom and are the sole expressed opinion of the writer. Submissions can be made to visource@gmail.com.
